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Coloniality is not a relic of the past; it is a living, breathing system that perpetuates Western dominance over the Global South. It thrives on maintaining a hierarchy where former colonial powers continue to exert cultural, economic, and psychological control over nations that were once colonized. A recent viral moment on social media starkly illustrated this dynamic. In a meeting between Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, his senior officials, and American billionaire Elon Musk, the contrast in demeanour was striking. While Musk’s delegation, including his daughters, their nanny, and his girlfriend, appeared relaxed and casual, the Indian delegation seemed overly formal and deferential. This scene sparked widespread debate, with many interpreting it as a moment of humiliation for India, a nation that often proclaims itself a global power. The underlying sense of inferiority was hard to ignore.
This incident is not an isolated one. The dynamics of coloniality have been evident in India’s interactions with the West for years. Take, for instance, the Modi-Trump meetings and press conferences. Modi’s demeanour often suggested a psychological submission, as if he were under Trump’s spell, with the latter dictating terms.
India’s recent engagements with the United States reveal a pattern of unequal partnerships that underscore the lingering dynamics of coloniality. India agreed to purchase billions of dollars worth of American military equipment, including F-35 jets, GE 414 engines, Stryker combat vehicles, and Predator drones, ostensibly to reduce its reliance on Russia. Economically, India cut $35 billion in trade to favour the U.S., further tilting the scales in America’s favour. Energy dependence shifted as India agreed to increased imports of U.S. oil, gas, and LNG to replace Russian supplies, while plans were made to acquire small, modular nuclear reactors under a civil nuclear deal.
Defence collaboration saw joint development and production agreements, though critical source codes were not shared, and an autonomous industry alliance for AI-driven physical systems was launched. A decade-long defence cooperation framework, as seen in Marco Rubio’s US-India Defense Cooperation Act 2024, which was prepared, alongside close cooperation in emerging technologies like AI, quantum computing, biotech, and semiconductors, aligning India with U.S. standards despite Modi’s rhetoric favoring globalization in AI. Initiatives like IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Corridor) and I2U2 (India, Israel, UAE, and USA) were launched to strengthen economic and space collaborations.
Finally, Modi’s TRUST Initiative, “Transforming Relationship Utilizing Strategic Technologies,” seemed to benefit the U.S. more than India, highlighting the one-sided nature of these agreements. These deals, while touted as strategic advancements, often seem to reinforce India’s submissive position in its relationship with the U.S., raising questions about true autonomy and decolonization.
Despite these lopsided agreements, both Modi and his External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar appeared satisfied. Jaishankar, who has spent decades strengthening ties with the U.S., seems to view this as a mission accomplished. However, World is witnessing multipolarity and the U.S., is no longer the sole global power and is increasingly detached from the geopolitical theatre of the Asia-Pacific. Trump’s lack of interest in security competition with China further diminishes India’s strategic importance to the U.S.
Modi’s fascination with the U.S. is evident, perhaps influenced by the large Indian diaspora, particularly the Sanghi community, residing there. Yet, this relationship often feels one-sided, with India gaining little in terms of security or strategic leverage, especially in its volatility. Trump’s disinterest in supporting India in South Asia, as seen in his dismissive stance on Bangladesh, further highlights this imbalance.
What is even more shocking is how India has seemingly betrayed Russia, a long-time loyal friend that stood by India through thick and thin. This is the second time under Modi’s government that Hindu nationalism, which he represents, has revealed itself as nativism under coloniality. Modi’s brand of nationalism, which emphasizes the superiority of Hindu culture and traditional knowledge, often appears contradictory. This brand is only aimed at colonizing the minorities who were given assurance by the constitution of India. While Modi’s Hindu nationalism promotes nativism and cultural pride, it falls short of true decolonization. Instead, it seems to mask deep-seated insecurities, manifesting as xenophobia disguised as nationalism. In practice, this approach often leads to submission to Western dominance rather than genuine independence.
Coloniality, however, is not just about politics or economics, it’s deeply psychological. It creates a distorted mindset shaped by centuries of subjugation to dominant powers. This mindset influences how societies approach culture, governance, and identity. True decolonization is not about rejecting Western influence or reviving native traditions. It’s about addressing the psychological and structural distortions created by coloniality. It involves reclaiming one’s identity and paradigms in a way that fosters genuine autonomy and self-respect.
The path to decolonization is not about mimicking the West or retreating into an idealized past. It’s about building a future rooted in self-confidence, equality, and a clear understanding of one’s place in the world, free from the psychological chains of coloniality. Until India confronts these deep-rooted issues, it will remain trapped in the shadows of colonialism, unable to truly claim it self a respectable power.
In the end, decolonization is not just a political or economic project,it’s a psychological one. And until we address the internalized inferiority that coloniality has ingrained in us, we will continue to see scenes like the Modi-Musk meeting, where the specter of colonial dominance looms large, even in the most powerful rooms.